Hello flamencas, I want to tell you a little story about flamenco fashion. I came across a study on the internet that I found very interesting.
THE FLAMENCO COSTUME, A BRIEF HISTORY OF FLAMENCO FASHION Flamenco fashion and accessories
AN ETHNOLOGICAL APPROACH* to flamenco fashion
The flamenco costume, known as “faralaes” or “gitana,” worn by the women of Seville, is a particular case of a typical or traditional costume. Strongly embedded in the stereotype of Andalusian culture and, by extension, Spanish culture, its origin and evolution have been the subject of various conjectures: from those who trace its origins back to Cretan and Tartar dancers to those who seek to find remnants of the Arab-Andalusian past in it. What is certain is that it is an attire imbued with a high symbolic and identity content. However, unlike other older and peasant-originated traditional costumes, this one was shaped in the late nineteenth century and its origin is predominantly urban. The research we are conducting provides us with interesting data that goes beyond mere ethnographic description. Certain garments and certain ways of wearing them cannot be described without considering their relationships with each other. They rely on similar bodily postures, depend on habits, usage, and gesture. Only by taking into account the relationship between the dress (its shape and evolution), the gesture (the response to the environment, identity, reinterpretation of the model), and the way of wearing it or carrying it (the circulation of symbolic goods flowing through its usage), can we understand the success or failure of such attire, that is, its durability and diffusion over time and space, or the restriction of its use in specific contexts (institutional and commemorative rituals). The latter would be the case for the vast majority of European traditional costumes. On the contrary, the flamenco costume retains extraordinary vitality and has experienced prolonged geographical diffusion from its beginnings to the boom of the last two decades. Therefore, understanding this phenomenon is linked to several aspects that converge in the evolution of this costume and justify its study.
The first aspect is its progressive expansion as a representative symbol, encompassing both local and regional or national identities, depending on the context from which it is observed.
The second aspect is its adaptability to fashion: it is a living costume that continuously renews itself without losing its essential festive functionality.
The third aspect is the close relationship between its origins and the period of formation of romantic thought in our country. However, unlike other traditional costumes that already existed and were consecrated by Romanticism as representative of the people in one place or another, the flamenco costume is a reinvention of the Andalusian stereotype created by the collective imagination. Hence the importance we attribute, in our introduction, to gesture and the way of wearing it. The flamenco costume also belongs to Myth – literary and cinematographic heroines, costumbrista types of popular literature – and to Ritual because it appears within a tradition of leisure organization related to singing and dancing, fitting into a whole semiology of image: it participates, on the one hand, in a collective signification through its association with the festivities and the common imagination (meaning), and, on the other hand, in an individual signification because it includes the choice of a personalized model (signifier), tailor-made tailoring, and the selection of accessories that differentiate its wearer from other women also dressed in the flamenco style.
THE NAMES OF THE COSTUME
In Seville, the term “dressing like a Gitana” predominates, based on the assumption that the origin of this dress is the imitation of the attire worn by the buñoleras gypsies.
Since the early days of the Seville fair, created in 1847, they would set up their stalls there to cater to passersby. In reality, this association is much more literary than accurate, as the information provided by the early photographic data does not confirm this assumption. On the contrary, the contrast between the joyful festive attire of the women attending the urban fair and the extravagant poverty of the outfits worn by the buñoleras or the women camped in the adjacent spaces of the livestock fair is evident. However, popular opinion is not as misguided as it may seem, as the similarity between both models is often mentioned in the accounts of romantic travelers and, therefore, in the collective imagination, as we will see.
The designation “Traje de ‘terelees'” is more restricted in usage and refers to the adornment most frequently repeated on the skirt and sleeves of the dress. “Faralá” is a Gallicism (farfalá or falbala) that designates the “volante” – a floating piece sewn in circles onto the flared skirt. Although several authors formally identify it with the traditional or even peasant dress in Andalusia, we cannot overlook the fact that the fashion of the 1840s and 1850s imposed very wide and gathered skirts, almost always adorned with ruffles that could be double or multiple, with pleats or other decorations. Therefore, it is an adornment widely popularized during that time but not necessarily local. The third and most widespread designation – “Traje de flamenca” – refers to the complete outfit. The term “flamenco” is used in this case in its more colloquial sense, relating it to musical forms intertwined with gypsy influences and incorporated into the indigenous folklore from the second half of the 19th century. Since the clothing we are referring to lacks immutable elements over time, we couldn’t accurately speak of “The Flamenca Costume” but rather of this or that flamenco dress. We give preference to this term among others because it is more conceptually inclusive, as what we recognize as such is the final result of an amalgamation of variable pieces, and because its usage is strongly associated with festive contexts where flamenco or flamenco-inspired musical forms are sung and danced: Fairs, Pilgrimages, and May Crosses. The flamenco dress can be composed of a single piece or two pieces.
It can have embroidered “matoncillo” on the shoulders or a ruffle bordering the neckline. It can have many ruffles or none at all. It can be made from different fabrics, featuring various patterns: polka dots, floral, or plain. It can be accompanied by the complement of a Manila shawl or worn without it. However, the complete outfit, including the headpiece, is clearly recognizable as a cohesive ensemble.
Origin and Evolution of the Flamenco Dress
Background and Customary Practices
We often hear the claim that the flamenco dress is a recent invention dating back no further than the early decades of this century. This opinion is based on the contrast of real images provided by newspaper documentation, which are more reliable when photographic support is used. However, we must take into account that the invention of the daguerreotype occurred in the 1840s, and the use of “instantaneous” photography did not become common until the early 20th century. Therefore, we cannot disregard the data provided by witnesses from an era that spans the first half of the 19th century. The testimonies collected in travel accounts and illustrated books must be analyzed within the cultural context of those years. For imaginative production, the publication of books depicting customs represents a transitional stage between the development of the “regional costume” genre and a long phase of maintenance and exploitation.
The first phase, which extends from 1800 to 1850, is contemporary and forms part of the formation of a new perspective on the province, culminating in the emergence of clearly differentiated regional personalities. The second phase, which continues almost to the present day, uses these now commonplaces to serve ideological demonstrations such as “cultural,” “advertising,” “touristic,” etc., messages. The formula, in its purpose, is not the result of sudden creation; it is the outcome of a whole process of development that occupies the entire beginning of the 19th century.
The idea of region, parallel in its development to the idea of nation, thus arises from a dialectic between the central and the local. In this dialectic, the description of the costume holds a privileged place, as it visually identifies the wearer as a “native of such and such place.” It is also visually appealing and easy to represent, freeing an exotic and diversified image of the Other.
If we are to look for the origin of the current flamenco dress,
we must inevitably turn to the collective memory that preserves an imaginary image of Andalusia coined throughout the 19th century, in which Andalusian popular culture and the Gypsy culture intersect and intertwine, as evidenced by the engravings and genre paintings of the time, as well as the accounts of romantic travelers and Spanish genre writers. In the first engravings that explicitly refer to the Andalusian popular attire, within the trend of collections depicting regional or national costumes that spread throughout the first half of the century, we find three different types of female attire: Labradora (peasant woman), Maja (fashionable woman), and Petimetra (dandy). While the peasant woman’s outfit does not differ greatly from those of other regions of Spain (a waist scarf, apron, skirt or basquina, blouse, and fitted bodice), in the attire of the fashionable woman, we already find precedents of what will later be shaped as the flamenco dress: ruffles – made of lace, over a silk skirt of a different color – the fitted waist, and above all, the mantilla (with fringes, ribbons, or lace), which has its antecedents in the Andalusian tapadas of the 17th century. Both the mantilla and the shawl became popular in the second half of the 19th century, incorporated into everyday attire as accessories. While the lace mantilla had a more aristocratic use, the Chinese shawl – mistakenly called Manila shawl – in medium or large size became a frequently used garment due to its dual purpose of adornment and protection in warm climates.
The fourth element that appears in the genre paintings and accounts of daily life is the floral ornamentation in the headpiece. Whether wearing a comb or a hairpin, covering or uncovering the head, flowers have been a customary adornment for women in Andalusia. They can be worn on top of the head, over the thick buns, or on the chest, partially covering the neckline. The indisputable contribution of Gypsy culture, as Julio Caro Baroja points out, is the influence that aspects related to the Gypsy people have on the shaping of Andalusian popular culture. He refers to the process of stylization that Andalusian popular culture undergoes in the second half of the 19th century due to the “gitano-mania” that arises among the affluent youth, with the consequent valorization of Gypsy songs and dances which, as we have mentioned, are incorporated and fused with other local elements, especially in western Andalusia, specifically in the provinces of Cádiz, Sevilla, and Huelva. The Gypsy culture and the popular culture blend into a unique amalgamation that becomes flamenco. The concept of “andalucismo” encompasses from this time onwards a series of types such as Gypsies, bullfighters, handsome men, fashionably dressed men, bandits, etc. In addition to all this, there is another interesting aspect to note regarding the evolution of clothing during this period: one of the traditionally attributed functions of clothing is social differentiation, that is, representing to others the social status of its wearer. Well, during the second half of the 18th century, certain social classes, not aristocratic or bourgeois, considered humble… sought to mark differences and stand out. This is the case of the fashionably dressed men and women in the second half of the 18th century.
The preference for dressing well, for making an impression,” repeatedly emphasized by English romantic travelers, among the Andalusian working classes who do not seek to imitate aristocratic fashion. On the contrary, this reaction of the affluent classes to mimic the “gitano” and “majo” attire not only corresponds to a desire for nationalist differentiation against the foreign-influenced fashion brought about by the political circumstances of the time but also to a certainly romantic and snobbish but also “modern” desire for identification with a popular culture where the gesture is as important as the attire, in other words, with an image esteemed from outside of Andalusia.
In paintings depicting the Feria de Sevilla by Andrés Cortés (1852), Manuel Rodríguez de Guzmán (1853), and other genre painters, pairs of aristocrats are portrayed adorned in “majo” attire.
The period between 1850 and 1870 is considered by experts as the romantic splendor of fairground painting. It is understandable, then, that twenty years after the creation of the Feria de Sevilla, we find a drawing by Valeriano Bécquer titled “Andalusian Types from the Feria de Sevilla,” in which we are presented with a Gitano and Gitana (Gypsy man and woman) and a Majo and Maja (fashionable man and woman).
The dress worn by the Gitana (Gypsy woman) is practically identical to the dress currently worn by women at the fair. Highlighting the dissociation between image and reality, we find in earlier pages of the same issue a delightful article by her brother Gustavo Adolfo Bécquer, in which, among other things, he attests to the influence of fashion on the working classes, which has almost led to the abandonment of traditional attire.
The association of flamenco with the Gypsy-majo style is repeatedly found in the genre imagery throughout the second half of the 19th century, a period when the Feria de Sevilla was evolving into a more festive event rather than a purely livestock fair. However, as we have already mentioned, the actual attire of the Gypsies during this time was quite different from what the genre painters depicted. Nevertheless, we do find the flamenco dress with most of the elements that still persist in the costumes worn by the artists who perform in flamenco cafés, private parties, and fair booths towards the end of the 19th century. Evolution and fashion At the beginning of the century, there is a dual approach to the romantic Andalusian imaginary as a result of this process of stylizing popular culture, giving rise to the two female costumes with the greatest romantic influence in Andalusia: the Maja dress in Cádiz and the Gitana dress in Seville, Córdoba, and Huelva.
The young women from the working classes would attend the fair during this time dressed in light and airy outfits, adorning their hair with flowers and gracefully draping Chinese shawls over their shoulders. On the other hand, women from the affluent classes preferred to showcase the latest Parisian designs during the nighttime festivities in the booths.
However, the use of the shawl and lace mantilla continued to be predominant. In 1909, we find the first photographic evidence of the flamenco or gitana dress established in reference to a children’s festival held during the Fair at the Casino de Labradores. We also observe abundant photographic production for postcards featuring models (young women, couples, artists) posing in flamenco attire. Despite some chroniclers complaining that people attending the fair do not dress as advertised on the posters, the use of the flamenco dress gradually imposes itself. By 1915, we already have photographic evidence showing groups of young women heading to the Fair dressed in flamenco attire. Regardless of its frequency of use, the flamenco costume solidifies between 1890 and 1910 as we know it today, characterized by:
a) A one-piece dress tightly fitted at the waist, low-cut, with short sleeves, and a wide flared skirt adorned with one or several ruffles, made of lightweight and inexpensive fabrics such as percale, plain or patterned with polka dots and/or flowers.
b) Starched underskirts with one or several ruffles, serving the purpose of giving volume to the skirt like the old-fashioned crinoline.
c) Tight-fitting shoes with straps to provide the necessary support for dancing.
d) A four-pointed embroidered silk scarf tied around the waist, either crossed over the chest or fastened with a pin at the waist in its three-pointed version or mantoncillo.
e) A square Chinese shawl, made of silk or embroidered silk crepe, measuring between 80 and 120 cm per side, which was initially folded into a peak shape and later into a square. A lace mantilla over a tortoiseshell or mother-of-pearl comb. The tradition of wearing the mantilla began to decline in the 1930s. After the suspension of the fair during the Spanish Civil War and its subsequent resumption in 1940, the mantilla is no longer worn with the flamenco dress and instead reappears as a prominent accessory in bullfights and during Holy Week.
g) A low bun adorned with a large comb or small combs made of tortoiseshell, mother-of-pearl, or colored plastic, with natural or artificial flowers.
h) Jewelry consisting of bracelets, necklaces with large beads, and earrings made of coral, pearls, or artificial beads in various colors. The period between 1920 and 1936 is characterized by the definitive influence of fashion on flamenco attire, an influence that continues to this day. Depending on the prevailing tastes of the time, skirts may shorten or lengthen, and ruffles may multiply or disappear.
The period between the resumption of the Fair in 1940 and the 1960s brings two developments in the evolution of attire:
a) The disappearance of the mantilla as an essential piece in the ensemble.
b) The proliferation of forms and styles and the differentiation between the types of dresses used at the fair, in pilgrimages, and in performances. The bata de cola (long-tailed dress) became established for professional dancing, and all kinds of ornamental fantasies were allowed to accompany flamenco singing. The appearance of the miniskirt in the 1960s even shortened the dresses to barely cover the knees. The influence of pop culture was also felt in textiles: artificial fabrics like tergal and nylon became massively popular, almost eliminating the lace or pleated silk ribbon finishes on ruffles. Instead, they were finished with cords inserted along the edges, providing the stiffness previously achieved by starching cotton fabrics. Psychedelic prints combining floral motifs with geometric patterns or even polka dots could be seen. From the 1970s, there was a rejection of the traditional dress by a sector of the rebellious youth, who also stopped attending the fair. This trend began to reverse at the end of the decade due to a revitalization prompted by demands for regional autonomy, culminating in widespread adoption that today encompasses not only all social statuses but all provinces of Andalusia. In recent decades, there has been a formal and material revival of the fashion trends from the 1940s and 1950s, coexisting with new trends such as the narrowing and lengthening of the waistline, which marks the beginning of the skirt slightly above the knee.
TYPLOGY OF DRESS ACCORDING TO USAGE CONTEXTS
The use of the flamenco dress is widespread at the April Fair and much less frequent at the May Crosses celebrated in the few remaining neighborhood courtyards in the city or in some private homes. The fashion of wearing the dress at the most famous May Crosses in the province of Seville, such as Lebrija, is relatively recent. The frequency of women wearing the dress at the Fair does not correspond to that of men. The traje campero or traje corto (short outfit) that men wear during these celebrations is exclusively used by horseback riders and its female counterpart, the amazona dress, is worn when she alone rides the horse and disappears from the fairgrounds at nightfall, which is when the horse parade ends. Men wearing the traje corto change into their regular street clothes at this time and return to the Fair. The woman accompanying a horseback rider wears the flamenco dress.
Other important festivals where the flamenco dress is predominant are:
Jerez de la Frontera (Horse Fair and Harvest Festival), El Puerto de Santa María (Spring Festival and Virgen de los Milagros), and Sanlúcar de Barrameda (Manzanilla Fair) in Cádiz, fairs in the capital of Málaga, Córdoba (May Crosses and Patios), and Huelva (La Palma del Condado Fair, Valverde del Camino, Niebla, and Colombinas Festivities in Moguer). The most significant variations in the fair dress, whose basic elements we have already described, lie in the number of ruffles, which can increase or decrease according to fashion, and in the cut and placement of these ruffles. Regarding the cut, it can be “al hilo” (straight and gathered, following the grain of the fabric) or “de capa” (cut on the bias, in which case it is usually sewn close to the skirt, without gathers). The supporting base is always a flared skirt made up of six trapezoidal or nejas pieces, around which the ruffles are distributed either concentrically or asymmetrically, forming waves. This base skirt is sewn to the bodice from the mid-hip, gathered if the ruffle is gathered or without gathers in dresses with ruffles in a capa style. Sometimes the skirt is composed of a series of al hilo ruffles sewn together, each one wider than the previous one, creating a tremendous volume at the lower part (between nine and twelve meters). This style is called “María de la O,” as it was popularized after the famous song performed by Estrellita Castro and later by Marifé de Triana. The flamenco dress shares the spotlight with local costumes from other Andalusian provinces, with the latter prevailing in the festivals of the eastern provinces (Granada, Málaga, Jaén, Almería), while in the western provinces, local costumes are preferred for commemorative rituals in which traditional dances are performed. Pilgrimages The dress worn at pilgrimages, mainly in the provinces of Seville (Virgen de la Consolación in Utrera, Valme in Dos Hermanas, Torrijos, Valencina de la Concepción) and Huelva (Virgen del Rocío and Rocío Chico in Almonte, Nuestra Señora de los Ángeles in Alhájar, Nuestra Señora de la Peña in Puebla de Guzmán, Santa Eulalia in Almonaster), and Virgen de la Cabeza in Andújar (Jaén), constitutes a simplified variety of the one-piece dress, which is more common at fairs. The most widespread is the bata rociera, a one-piece dress, but considerably lighter in ruffles and adornments. The skirt is shorter, with one or two ruffles, and it has an apron with pockets. The upper part of the dress usually remains unadorned, with a ruffle at the neckline and sleeves, and it may omit the talle matoncillo or the three-pointed scarf.
The dress used in pilgrimages
can also consist of a skirt and blouse of the same or different colors. The head is usually covered with a scarf tied at the nape of the neck or a straw hat to protect from the sun and dust, adorned with flowers, and the footwear consists of camper boots or espadrille-soled slippers. Show The attire worn by flamenco dancers allows for a wide formal variety due to its explicit functionality. It is not common for female singers (cantaoras) to wear it, as they usually adorn themselves with a shawl or matoncillo and flowers in their hair, with the exception of flamenco ensembles and choirs, where all the women wear it, adhering to a unified aesthetic. The flamenco show dress is directly related to the type of dance being performed. If it involves lively flamenco rhythms or joyful songs (bulerías, alegrías, tanguillos), the dresses will be more informal and colorful, with fitted bodices up to the hips and wide skirts that facilitate leg, arm, and waist movements. However, if the performance involves serious palos or solemn songs (tonás, seguiriyas, soleares, tangos), the bodices can extend to mid-thigh to showcase the figure and eliminate ruffles from the sleeves in favor of highlighting arm movements. The skirt opens up enough to allow for footwork. The bata de cola (train dress) is a one-piece or full-length garment, with numerous cuts that allow for adjustments at the waist and then expand into a skirt finished at the back with a train of at least one meter, adorned with ruffles. It is often accompanied by large embroidered silk shawls that skilled dancers gracefully maneuver around their bodies. Mastery in handling the shawl and bata de cola is an important factor in appreciating skill and grace in the dance.
THE RITUAL OF DRESSING UP
The ritual of dressing up begins with the choice of the flamenco dress,
which usually takes place at least two months before the fair. This lengthy and careful process includes selecting a dressmaker if one opts for handmade tailoring. It is a completely feminine universe where the authority of the dressmaker plays an important role. She is the one who guides on the latest trends and creates new models, setting the fashion.
The dresses from certain dressmakers are recognized for their expert tailoring and a special seal that comes from the quality of the fabric, the color scheme, and the good taste in the cut. The distinction is expressed through a series of details that may go unnoticed by uninformed spectators but not by women who are accustomed to dressing in flamenco attire.
Once the style and colors are chosen, the flamenco accessories are sought out for the ensemble.
Shawls and Mantoncillos
The colors of the mantoncillo
should perfectly match the dress. They can be custom-ordered from specialized embroidery houses or purchased ready-made from the wide variety of shades available today.
The large embroidered silk shawls used to keep warm in the afternoon and evening are not always coordinated with the dress because they are often displayed as independent pieces, especially if they are old and inherited. A shawl commissioned from specialized embroiderers has always been an expensive item and, therefore, scarce in relation to the number of dresses and mantoncillos that a woman who frequently dresses in flamenco attire may possess, until the recent introduction of machine-embroidered shawls from the Eastern market.
The choice of flowers
for the hair is equally challenging. Artificial roses made by specialized accessory companies for fairs are commonly used. Carnations and jasmine are also used, as well as bouquets that imitate field flowers such as daisies, poppies, etc. The latter are more commonly worn during pilgrimages than at the fair. Wearing natural flowers is considered a delicacy. The hairstyle is completed with small tortoiseshell or colored plastic hair combs that match the dress. If one has a good-sized medium comb, smaller than the one used to hold the mantilla, it is added to the hairstyle, giving the hair a special grace. The hair is usually gathered in a low bun.
This adornment fell out of use in the 1960s but has made a comeback in the past decade. In the fair, you can see true antique pieces. Nowadays, they are made from synthetic materials and come in various shapes.
raditional earrings are made of coral and gold, consisting of a bead attached to the earlobe from which a long pendant, called “pimiento,” hangs. Hoop earrings made of synthetic materials that match the bracelets and necklaces are also frequently used.
Lastly, girls’ dresses differ from those of adults in that the start of the ruffles is higher, and they are in light and fresh colors. Flowers are placed on the top of their heads, not to the side of the bun like adults, and they often wear small colorful bracelets on their arms.
There is no age limit to dressing in flamenco attire. In many cases, three generations of women from the same family dress up. The limitations and variations are solely based on individual taste. For example, the colors of dresses worn by older women tend to be more discreet, with darker shades. The use of Manila shawls is less common among younger women.
ARTISAN WORKSHOPS and INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTION WORKSHOPS
The production of flamenco dresses operates primarily at an artisanal level. Until a few years ago, it constituted the most abundant production. It is carried out by individual dressmakers who sew at home or in their workshops.
The production cycle in Seville begins in January when the first orders for the fair are collected, and it usually ends in June after the Rocío pilgrimage. In the towns of the province and in the rest of the Andalusian provinces, it usually spans a period of at least two months before the celebration of the fair or pilgrimage.
The selection process is very similar, whether it is a humble seamstress or a renowned dressmaker. The client usually chooses and buys the fabric and decorations after long deliberations involving friends and family. The style and shape of the dress are usually decided together. The dressmaker contributes ideas that are more or less taken into account depending on their skill and reputation in the craft. If it is a highly skilled dressmaker with a recognized prestige, like Una or Esperanza Flores, the client may even entrust them with the decision regarding the type of fabric, decoration, and shape, expressing the desired style of the dress (for formal occasions, only for the evening, for the morning, serious, for dancing, etc.). The number of individual dressmakers has significantly decreased in recent years in this century due to social and economic changes in our country, which have led to a spectacular increase in demand for ready-made clothing, resulting in a corresponding decrease in the price of the product. Currently, there is not a significant price difference between a custom-made order and a ready-made dress. Furthermore, the growing trend of attributing greater symbolic value to well-made artisanal work translates into an increased economic value of the artisanal product. Until the 1960s, the production of flamenco dresses was exclusively artisanal. By the mid-1960s, there were only three industrial dressmaking houses in Seville that supplied the scarce demand from the capital and other provinces.
The evolution of the market and the increased demand that occurred in the late 1970s have led to the current number of around fifty workshops, also classified as small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). These companies employ regular staff throughout the year, although during the peak productivity period from November to June, they outsource a significant volume of work to sewing cooperatives located in nearby towns. The minimum total production exceeds two and a half million pieces, according to the data obtained in our research. These industries have a diverse clientele, ranging from nationally renowned department stores to dance academies throughout Spain, as well as private stores, particularly in Catalonia, the Basque Country, and the Canary Islands. We believe that the reason for this clientele can be explained by the influence of Andalusian emigration in the first two communities and tourism in the third. The international market includes the south of France and several Latin American countries, with an emerging presence in Japan. This gives us an idea of the extraordinary spread that flamenco dresses have experienced in the last two decades. Unlike in artisanal production, following the value orientations characteristic of gender roles, the economic control of industrial production is predominantly male, although we have observed a recent trend of female entrepreneurs who oversee the entire production process entering the market.
ROSA-María Martínez MORENO (author)
We hope you have enjoyed this summarized information about the history and evolution of flamenco dresses.
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